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U.S.
Senate
Committee on Governmental Affairs
Enron Hearings
24 January 2000
The Enron Pension Investment Catastrophe:
Why It Happened and How Congress Should Fix It
Statement
of Professor John H. Langbein
Yale Law School
I appreciate the invitation to speak with you about the
pension investment aspects of the Enron Corporation
bankruptcy.
I have been teaching and writing about pension law and
pension policy for two decades. I coauthor the principal book on pension law that is used in
American law schools.1
I serve as a Uniform Law Commissioner from Connecticut,
and I was the reporter (drafter) for the Uniform Prudent
Investor Act (1994), which now governs fiduciary investing at
the state level in most American states.
1. The Enron plan. Enron
Corp. sponsored a 401(k) pension plan for its employees.2
The plan permitted the employee to contribute up to 15
percent of his or her salary, subject to a ceiling.3
Enron made a matching contribution of half of what the
employee contributed.4
The sums contributed by both employee and employer were
tax deferred under Sections 401(a) and 401(k) of the Internal
Revenue Code. The
plan provided that Enron's contribution would be entirely in
Enron stock.5
The employee participant could choose to invest his or
her contribution among a menu of options, including leading
well-diversified mutual funds6
or more Enron Stock.
The plan required the employee-participant to hold the
employer-contributed Enron shares until age fifty.7
Only at that age could he or she direct that the Enron
shares be sold and the proceeds redirected into other
investments. With
respect to these match shares, the plan made the
employee-participants into involuntary Enron shareholders
until age 50.
As Enron's financial difficulties began to be revealed
in the fall of 2001, the value of Enron shares, including
those held in the pension plan accounts, declined
precipitously. Shares
that had traded above $80 per share at the apogee are now
effectively worthless. As
a result, many Enron employees have lost huge portions of
their expected retirement funds--both the employer match
shares and those Enron shares that many employees elected to
purchase with their own contributed funds.
Although some of the alleged financial skullduggery of
Enron's managers, directors, and accountants may have violated
ERISA fiduciary law, it is vital for Congress to understand
that the key feature of the Enron plan that made it possible
for these losses to occur--the large concentration of employer
stock in the plan's investments--was permitted under ERISA,
the federal pension regulatory law.
ERISA invited this mess, and unless you change ERISA, I
can predict to you with utter certainty that such cases will
happen again, as they have repeatedly in the past. What's
new about the Enron calamity is simply the enormity of the
losses.
2. DC plans. 401(k)
plans such as Enron's are known as defined contribution (DC)
plans, or in the language of ERISA, as "individual
account plans." DC
plans "provide[] for an individual account for each
participant;" the participant's "benefits are based
solely upon the amount contributed to the participant's
account," plus the investment experience (dividends,
gains or losses) of the account.
ERISA § 3(34).
The distinctive feature of any DC plan is that
investment
risk rests entirely upon the account of each participating
employee. The
employee captures market gains, the employee suffers market
declines.
By contrast, in a traditional defined benefit (DB) plan
of the sort that prevails among large employers in
manufacturing and transportation industries and utilities, the
employer (or other sponsor) bears the investment risk.
In a DB plan the employer promises the employee a
certain benefit on retirement, and if the investments in the
pension fund don't produce enough to pay the benefit, the
employer must make up the shortfall from company assets.
3. The DC or 401(k) structure is not the problem.
As ERISA now stands, the high concentration of employer
stock that allowed the
catastrophic losses to the Enron employees could only have
occurred in a DC plan, because ERISA's diversification
requirements (discussed below) would have prevented these
concentrations in a DB plan.
It would be a fallacy, however, to conclude that the
problem lies in the nature of DC plans.
The truth is that it is as easy to avoid
over-concentration in a single stock in a DC plan as in a DB
plan. For
example, most of us who are employed in academia participate
in DC plans operated by TIAA-CREF.
TIAA-CREF diversifies its stock and bond investments
across literally thousands of issues.
The ERISA failure that allowed the Enron employees'
loss to occur is that ERISA contains an exception to its
diversification requirement.
ERISA allows certain types of DC plans, including
401(k) plans, to permit and/or require employees to hold these
large concentrations of employer stock in their plan accounts.
Over the past two decades that 401(k) plans have been
allowed8
there has been a huge increase in the use of DC plans,
especially 401(k) plans.
The Employee Benefits Research Institute (EBRI) reports
that as of the year 2000, there were more than 327 thousand
401(k) plans in effect, covering more than 43 million active
participants, holding assets of $1.8 trillion.
There are many reasons for this complex development.
DC plans do have disadvantages,9
but they have two great advantages for employees that help
explain their popularity.
First, DC plans offset the lack of portability in the
private pension system. DC
plans produce better results for the employee who works for
several employers across his or her career than does a DB
plan, because DB plans use career-average service formulas
that favor long-service employees.
DC plans are a response to the increasing mobility of
the workforce.
Second, DC plans encourage employees to engage in more
pension saving than usually occurs under DB plans,10
both because the transparency of the individual account
mechanism is easier for the employee to understand and to
value than a distant benefit formula; and because there are
ways to arrange that any money in a DC account that the
employee and his or her spouse do not turn out to need for
their retirement will pass to their heirs.
The ability to transfer the account balance on death
encourages employees to make more ample provision for their
retirement, secure in the knowledge that they will not forfeit
the cushion.
Accordingly, the lesson to learn from the Enron debacle
is not that DC plans should be restricted, but that the
diversification standards that Congress wisely imposed on DB
plans need to be extended to DC plans.
4. Diversification.
The duty to diversify investments is a standard
principle of good fiduciary investing practice, which was long
ago11
absorbed into the trust investment law.12 ERISA has from its enactment in 1974 imposed this duty
to diversify pension fund investments.
ERISA § 404(a)(1)(C).
ERISA's duty to diversify does not, however, apply to
all pension plans. Rather,
Congress allowed an exception for certain types of DC plans. ERISA
§§ 404(a)(2), 407(d)(3).
That exception is a major mistake of pension policy,
and until Congress fixes it, I can predict to you with utter
certainty that cases like Enron will continue to occur.
Let me say a quick word about the underlying economics
of the duty to diversify. The importance of diversification is by far the most
important finding in the entire field of financial economics. Over the past 40 years, we have had a stream of empirical and
theoretical studies, which have led so far to six Nobel prizes
in economics, conclusively showing that there are large and
essentially costless gains to diversifying an investment
portfolio thoroughly.
Investment risk has three distinct components: market
risk, industry risk, and firm risk.
Market risk is common to all securities; it reflects
general economic and political conditions, interest rates, and
so forth, hence cannot be eliminated.
Industry risk, by contrast, is specific to all the
firms in each industry or industry grouping.
Firm risk refers to factors that affect the fortunes
only of the particular firm.
My favorite illustration is the example of the
international oil companies.
All of them suffered from the 1973 Arab embargo
(industry risk). By
contrast, only Exxon incurred the liabilities arising from the
great Alaskan oil spill of March 1989 (firm risk).
Holding shares in other industries helped prudent
investors to offset the decline of the oils in 1973; holding
shares of other oils helped offset the decline in Exxon.
Only about 30 percent of the risk of security ownership
is market risk, that is, risk that cannot be eliminated by
diversification. By
contrast, industry risk amounts to about 50 percent of
investment risk, and firm risk comprises the remaining 20
percent.13
Thus, effective diversification can eliminate roughly
70 percent of investment risk.
And that is why, from the standpoint of good investment
practice, a portfolio such as the Enron pension fund, so
heavily concentrated in a single stock, any stock, is pure
folly. But there
are many plans sitting out there with even more employer stock
than Enron. For
example, as of January 2000, Proctor and Gamble had a DC plan
with 96 percent in employer stock, Pfizer has one with 88
percent, Abbot Laboratories with 87 percent.14
According to the most recent data reported by EBRI,
employer stock comprises 19 percent of all 401(k) plan assets,15
but that number, which averages plans with and without
employer stock, understates
the magnitude of the problem for the plans with the employer
stock.16
5. What's wrong with employer stock.
A pension fund portfolio holding a massive part of its
assets in any one stock is bad; but holding such a
concentration in the stock of the employer is worse.
For the employees of any firm, diversification away
from the stock of that employer is even more important.
The simple reason is that the employee is already
horrifically underdiversified by having his or her human
capital tied up with the employer.
The employee is necessarily exposed to the risks of the
employer by virtue of the employment relationship.
The last thing in the world that the employee needs is
to magnify the intrinsic underdiversification of the
employment relationship, by taking his or her diversifiable
investment capital and tying that as well to the fate of the
employer.
The Enron debacle illustrates this point poignantly.
Just when many of the employees have lost their jobs,
they have also lost their pension savings, which in a 401(k)
plan they could have borrowed against (or with a penalty,
withdrawn) in order to tie them over.
6. The incentives argument.
What's the case for having employer stock in pension
funds? The
argument is that employers want to incentivize employees to
identify with the stockholders of the firm.
Making employees into stockholders will motivate them
to care about the firm's profitability.
There's a simple answer to that argument:
Don't do it in the pension fund.
If you want to sell stock to your employees for such
sound business reasons, go right ahead and do so (subject to
adequate disclosure of the risks--a subject to which I shall
return). But you
should not be able to treat such a program as a pension fund,
for two very good reasons: It abuses the pension tax subsidy
and it misleads employee-participants.
Congress provides two huge tax subsidies for qualified
pension plans: Employee
and employer contributions to such plans are tax deferred, and
so is any investment buildup.
Congress grants this subsidy in order to promote
pension saving, hence to promote retirement income security.
That policy is concerned to protect the employee and
his spouse in their post-employment years.
The policy has
nothing to do with promoting employer interests.
To the contrary, the most fundamental principle of
ERISA fiduciary law is the so-called exclusive benefit rule,
requiring that pension plan investing and administration must
be done "solely in the interest of the participants and
beneficiaries and ... for the exclusive purpose of providing
benefits" to them. ERISA
§ 404(a)(1)(A). Ordinarily,
therefore, subordinating the interests of the employees to
those of the employer is a breach of the fiduciary duty to
avoid such conflicts of interest under ERISA.
Apart from the statutory exception that allows employer
stock in pension plans, the message of ERISA is: pension plans
are for employees, not for employers.
Congress provides the pension tax subsidy for employee
interests.
Another way to make that point is to remind ourselves
that the employee has earned the pension.
Employers do not offer pension plans in order to be
nice guys--indeed, employers have a fiduciary duty to their
shareholders not to waste the company's assets by giving those
assets away to people, even employees.
These plans are not gratuities.
Employers offer pension plans as part of the
compensation package, as what we call deferred compensation.17
Pensions are the employee's earnings, channelled into
retirement saving at the source. We should not let supposed employer preferences interfere
with the best interests of the employee.
As the Enron calamity shows, employees do not
understand the risks involved in holding employer stock in
their pension accounts. They
rely on these accounts for their retirement.
Many of the employees do not have enough years left in
the workforce to be able to replace the losses in subsequent
employment.
7. The plan formation argument. The other claim on behalf of the status quo is that in our
voluntary private pension system, if you don't let employers
stuff employer stock in these plans, they won't offer the
plans at all. This
is highly unlikely.
In competitive markets, if one employer won't offer a
pension plan while others do, that employer will be at a
disadvantage in competing for workers.
The employers who offer pensions today do so in order
to be competitive for workers who are pension-sensitive, and
such employers will continue to want to be competitive for
such workers by offering pensions even if the employers are
forbidden to stuff the plans with company stock.
We heard the same argument when Congress imposed
vesting rules in ERISA in 1974, and when congress mandated
spousal shares in 1984. The
truth is that sensible pension regulation does not discourage
plan formation. To
the contrary, by making pension promises more reliable, it
increases the attractiveness of pension plans to employees,
and causes firms to offer more of them.
As regards 401(k) plans, the argument is sometimes made
that if employer stock investments were curtailed, employers
might continue to
offer 401(k) plans, but employers would not continue to offer
matching contributions unless in employer stock.
While I doubt that, there is an easy compromise: let
the employer who wishes continue to contribute employer stock
(and to get the tax deduction for doing so), but require that
the plan fiduciary dispose of it on the open market within a
short period and reinvest the proceeds in a diversified
portfolio.
8. The solution is already in ERISA.
If there is one bright spot for the future in the Enron
pension catastrophe, it is that we know exactly how to prevent
such cases from occurring again.
We not only know the cause, we also know the cure.
The losses have been caused by allowing DC plans to be
underdiversified. The
cure is to require diversification.
Congress has successfully insisted on diversifying plan
investments in DB plans for a quarter century.
What is needed is to extend that regime across the DC
universe, to cover all tax-qualified plans.
Congress should not prohibit employer stock from
pension plans altogether, because there are situations in
which a prudent fiduciary investor may choose to hold some.
For example, it is common for pension investment
managers to buy index funds in fiduciary accounts.
Index funds hold shares in all the companies in the
index, and the employer may be one of those companies.
In ERISA § 407(a)(2), Congress set a ceiling on
employer stock, saying that a plan may never hold more than
ten percent,18
but Congress then left it to the prudence and diversification
rules of ERISA § 404(a) to govern the question of how much
less than 10 percent is appropriate.
The normal answer will be little or none. The one time a DB plan tried to approach the 10 percent
limit, in the most famous of all ERISA investment cases, Donovan
v. Bierwirth, the Second Circuit held that the investment
in employer stock was imprudent.
Bierwirth stands for the proposition that the
prudence and diversification norms of ERISA § 404(a) govern
the exercise of the up-to-ten-percent authority in ERISA §
407(a)(2).
The paradox of ERISA is that it contains both the
problem and the solution to the Enron mess.
ERISA contains a diversification regime that would
prevent such cases form ever happening again if extended from
DB to all DC plans. (Obviously,
were Congress to take that step, it would be important to
provide a transition period to assure orderly compliance.)
9. ESOPs. I
must emphasize that everything I have said about the evils of
employer stock in 401(k) plans applies equally to employee
stock ownership plans (ESOPs).
It has been known from the beginning in the specialist
literature that ESOPs represent bad retirement policy.19
They are tools of corporate finance masquerading as
pension plans.
10. Disclosure. My
main recommendation to you is to extend ERISA's
diversification regime to all tax-qualified plans.
If a plan gets the tax benefits of a pension plan, it
should not hold material concentrations of employer stock.
If Congress lacks the political will to take that step,
or to take it across the entirety of the DC plan universe, I
would offer a weaker alternative: Congress should at least
insist upon alerting employees about the risks of holding
employer stock. My
source of inspiration is the Surgeon General's warnings on
cigarette packages. The
thinking behind those warnings is that people need to be aware
of the risks, so that they can alter their behavior. Transferred to the pension arena, the point is that if
employees were warned about the risks of employer stock, they
would be in a better position (1) to avoid electing to buy
more of it in plans that offer it as an employee option, and
(2) to pressure employers to move aaway from ESOPS and to
discontinue using employer stock in the match feature of
401(k) plans.
ERISA § 102 presently requires employers or other plan
sponsors to send to employees annually a summary plan
description (SPD), describing key features of each plan.
I would recommend that Congress require that the SPD
for any plan that contains an employer stock option or
employer stock match contain a Surgeon General's warning,
something like this:
WARNING
Under commonly accepted principles of good investment
practice, a retirement account should be invested in a broadly
diversified portfolio of stocks and bonds.
It is particularly unwise for employees, who are
already subject to the risks incident to employment, to hold
significant concentrations of employer stock in an account
that is meant for retirement saving.
A disclosure solution of this sort is, I repeat, a
second best solution.
The best solution is for Congress to mandate
diversification across the entire universe of pension plans,
as a condition of the tax subsidy that Congress grants these
plans. By
taking that step, Congress could tell the American worker with
confidence that Congress has done what is necessary to assure
that there will never again be another Enron-type pension
calamity.
1John H.
Langbein & Bruce Wolk, Pension and Employee Benefit
Law (Foundation Press, 3d ed. 2000 & 2001 Supp.).
2The plan
document is titled "Enron Corp. Savings Plan As
Amended and Restated Effective July 1, 1999"
[hereafter cited as Enron Plan].
4Enron Plan,
§ III.4. The
matching contribution was subject to the limit that it
could not exceed 6 percent of the employee's base bay.
6Including the
Vanguard 500 Index Trust, the Fidelity Magellan Fund, the
Fidelity Growth and Income Fund, the PIMCO total Return II
Fund, and the T. Rowe Price Small Cap Fund.
Source: Enron Benefits Dept., "Money in
Motion: Enron Corp. Savings Plan 401(k) Plan
Details."
8IRC § 401(k)
originated in the Revenue Act of 1978, but 401(k) plans
became attractive only when the IRS issued regulations in
1981 clarifying the salary reduction mechanism that allows
the employee to contribute pretax dollars.
9The two most
important: (1) DC plans require ordinary workers to make
important investment management decisions, which in a DC
plan are the work of investment professionals; (2) DB
plans can deliver larger retirement benefits per dollar of
savings, because they mandate annuitization as the mode of
distribution, recapturing for other plan members the sums
not needed to support short-lived participants and
beneficiaries. For
further discussion of the pluses and minuses of DC plans,
see Langbein & Wolk, supra note 1, at 51-61.
10For evidence
that "assets at retirement after lifetime employment
under a 401(k) plan would typically be much higher than
under a defined benefit plan," see James M. Poterba,
Steven F. Venti & David Wise, The Transition to
Personal Accounts and Increasing Retirement Wealth: Macro
and Micro Evidence (National Bureau of Economic Research
Working Paper 8610) (2001).
11We have had
the duty to diversify in American trust investment law for
well over a century.
E.g., Dickinson, Appellant, 152 Mass. 184, 25 N.E.
99 (1890).
12Restatement
of Trusts (Second) § 228 (1959); Restatement of Trusts
(Third): Prudent Investor Rule § 227(b) (1992).
13R.A.
Brealey, An Introduction to Risk and Return from Common
Stocks 117 (2d ed. 1983).
Brealey's actual numbers are 31 percent market
risk; 12 percent industry risk; 37% other groupings; and
20% firm risk. I
consolidate industry and other groupings as industry risk
and round to 50 percent.
14Pensions
& Investments, Jan. 24, 2000, at 26.
15Sarah Holden
& Jack VanDerhei, 401(k) Plan Asset Allocation,
Account Balances, and Loan Activity in 2000, EBRI, Issue
Brief (Nov. 2001) at 1, 6 & Chart 3.
16See id. at
13 & Table 10.
17The claim
that pensions were gifts, the so-called gratuity theory of
pensions, has a long history. American law decisively rejected the gratuity theory in favor
of the deferred compensation theory across the twentieth
century. For
discussion, see Langbein & Wolk, supra note 1, at
16-17, 122-27. ERISA's
vesting and benefit accrual rules implement the deferred
compensation view.
19ESOPs have
been trenchantly criticized on a variety of policy
grounds. See,
e.g., Michael W. Melton, Demythologizing ESOPs, 45 Tax L.
Rev. 363 (1990); Richard L. Doernberg & Jonathan R. Macey, ESOPs and
Economic Distortion, 23 Harvard J. Legislation 103 (1986); D. Bret Carlson, ESOPs and Universal Capitalism, 31 Tax L.
Rev. 289 (1976).
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